Homepage Review – European History Online / Europäische Geschichte Online

Die Internetseite Europäische Geschichte Online (Abk. EGO) ist eine Internetseite, die sich mit der transkulturellen Geschichte Europas befasst. Dieses Projekt betrachtet die europäische Geschichte als eine Geschichte interkulturellen Austauschs.

Erst vor kurzem ist der 200. Beitrag auf der Seite erschienen. Der Herausgeber der Seite ist das Mainzer Leibniz-Institut für Europäische Geschichte.

Zeitlich begrenzt ist der Rahmen des Ego Projektes zwischen der europäischen Neuzeit vom Ausgang des Mittelalters bis in die Zeitgeschichte hinein.

Die EGO Beiträge sind sowohl auf deutsch, wie auch in englischer Sprache wiederzufinden. Die von EGO behandelten Themen reichen von Religion, Politik,Recht, Musik, Kunst, Literatur bis hin zu Wirtschaft, Technik und Militär, Wissenschaften und Medizin.

Der von EGO behandelte Raum “Europa” sollte nicht als politische oder geographische Definition falsch verstanden werden. Da sich der Begriff “Europa” im Laufe der Zeit immer wieder veränderte, wird zu jeder analysierten Zeit der zeitgenössische Europabegriff benutzt. 

Die Ego Seite an sich ist klar nach folgenden Themensträngen gegliedert:

-Zeit

-Themen

-Raum

-Thread

Fast alle Beiträge werden durch Bilder passend unterstützt.

Die Beiträge von EGO dürfen mithilfe der Zitierrichtlinien benutzt werden.

Homepage Review – CVCE

© cvce

Le site commenté par cet article est géré par les collaborateurs du CVCE (Centre virtuel de la connaissance sur l’Europe), un centre de recherche et de documentation interdisciplinaire sur le processus de la construction européenne ayant pour mission la création, la publication et la valorisation de la connaissance dans un environnement numérique innovant. Le CVCE a signé un contrat de performance avec le ministère de l’enseignement supérieur et de la recherche du Luxembourg.

Le CVCE a son siège au château de Sanem. Le but principal du CVCE est le partage le plus large possible du résultat de ses études et activités de recherche sur l’histoire de la construction européenne et se base sur la conviction que nous devons comprendre le passé si nous voulons participer à la construction de notre avenir. Voilà pourquoi la sagesse pratique du CVCE repose sur ces mots: Knowing the past to build the future.

Au centre des travaux du CVCE se trouvent les European Integration Studies (EIS). Les projets de recherche en EIS se définissent par quatre domaines de recherche essentiels correspondant aux acteurs principaux de la construction européenne:

  • les organisations européennes;
  • les États européens et la construction européenne;
  • les personnalités européennes;
  • les idées, valeurs, identités.

La période de 2011 à 2013 traite plus particulièrement des questions sur l’évolution de la politique économique et monétaire européenne ou encore le rôle des institutions européennes dans un contexte de crise et de relance récurrent. Donc, le CVCE adapte régulièrement les problématiques, selon la situation en Europe et dans le monde.

Sur la page d’acceuil, le visiteur trouve les actualités du site, ainsi que des liens pour la recherche et des informations pratiques sur le CVCE et du contenu du site. La recherche permet de trouver des documents sur la construction européenne. En plus le site contient des liens vers d’autre sites sur le même sujet. Le site permet le choix entre la langue anglaise et française. De plus sont présentées les nouveautés du site que le visiteur peut consulter.

Le site contient une partie dédiée spécialement à l’histoire orale, une méthode scientifique pratiquée par les collaborateurs du CVCE. Cette partie présente des informations sur des personnes importantes pour la construction européenne, ainsi que des interview qui ont été faites avec les personnes présentées.

La partie “Education” permet aux enseignants et aux étudiants de trouver des ressources pédagogiques et des documentaires sur la construction européenne.

Pour arriver sur le site cliquez ici.

Homepage review – Euratlas

Euratlas is a Swiss business specialist in historical digital cartography. The history and geography maps were drawn by Christos Nüssli on the basis of several references and primary sources available in Vector and GIS maps.

The homepage Euratlas contains mainly historical maps, geographical maps and ancient maps of Europe.

The Periodical Historical Atlas of Europe is a reference tool that shows 21 political maps of Europe at intervals of 100 years. Each card describes the political situation as it was at the end of each century. So it is possible to have an overview of the history of Europe over the last two millennia.

It offers also a world atlas with the display of the 194 independent countries in the world with their main characteristics: names, population, area, capital etc.

Finally, the site includes a wide collection of pictures of Europe in order to give a comprehensive view of history and geography.

Book presentation – Thierry Grosbois, L’Euro est mort, vive l’Euro ! Quel avenir pour la monnaie unique ?, 2012

F. Mounom: Comment justifiez-vous le titre de votre livre?

M. Thierry Grosbois: La crainte actuelle réside dans le fait que l’échec de l’Euro pourrait aboutir à l’échec de l’Union Européenne, c’est-à-dire la remise en cause de l’Union monétaire pourrait avoir un impact direct sur l’Union économique, sur le Marché Unique. Cela signifierait, à ce moment-là, le rétablissement soit d’une monnaie nationale, soit de plusieurs zones monétaires au sein de l’Union économique. Cette alternative hypothéquerait tout l’échafaudage de la construction européenne. Le principal problème réside dans le fait que l’Euro constitue un projet politique. Les promoteurs de l’Euro ont estimé que c’était une étape vers l’Union politique plus approfondie, une sorte de fédération européenne. Donc, l’échec de l’Euro, en fait, remettrait en cause tout le projet politique européen.

F. Mounom: Puisqu’on parle de la situation actuelle, comment en est-on arrivé là, comment expliquez-vous cette crise ?

M. Thierry Grosbois : Je vais être bref, parce que les causes sont multiples. Dans les Traités fondant l’Union Européenne, notamment le Traité de Maastricht, l’Union Européenne a mis en œuvre, et réussi, son Marché Unique. On peut dire que les frontières sont ouvertes, il y a une liberté de mouvement des travailleurs, des citoyens, des biens et des services. Mais ce succès ne s’est pas accompagné des mesures structurelles, notamment un rapprochement des politiques fiscales – la fiscalité des sociétés notamment -, un rapprochement des politiques budgétaires, une Europe sociale, c’est-à-dire un rapprochement des politiques sociales. Donc, on aboutit à une sorte de Marché Unique qui ressemble plus à une grande zone de libre-échange, et cela n’est pas compatible avec les exigences de l’Union monétaire. L’Union monétaire exige une coordination étroite des politiques budgétaires, donc des budgets qui visent le même but, qui sont coordonnés. Cela exige une politique fiscale commune, des impôts qui ne sont pas trop différentiels d’un Etat membre à l’autre, des impôts des sociétés relativement semblables, etc. Or ce n’est pas le cas actuellement. Il y a une concurrence fiscale qui existe entre les Etats membres, même au sein de la Zone Euro, qui fragilisent la Zone Euro. Et puis, vous n’avez pas d’Europe sociale !  Au contraire, les Etats qui ont une sécurité sociale héritée de l’après-guerre, qui couvre les différents besoins en matière de pension, de maladie, d’allocations familiales, sont sous la pression de la concurrence d’autres Etats, qui eux, ont une sécurité sociale avec des coûts salariaux beaucoup plus bas, au sein d’une même Union. Cela provoque des tensions sociales de plus en plus sérieuses, et en plus, c’est incompatible, à mon avis, avec une Union monétaire, parce que cette situation la mine de l’intérieur.

A cela s’ajoute des circonstances malheureuses, c’est-à-dire la crise financière et bancaire de 2008, la crise de la dette qu’on a connue en 2011, aussi, qui a poussé les Etats membres à refinancer les banques, trop endettées, ce qui a provoqué un endettement de certains Etats, qui est colossal : l’Irlande, la Grèce, la France, la Grande-Bretagne, l’Espagne, la Belgique, etc., ont vu leur dette publique augmenter fortement, suite à l’aide qu’elles ont apportée en 2008 aux banques.

Finalement, la crise financière de 2008 a été révélatrice des problèmes structurels au sein de la Zone Euro.

F. Mounom : Vous avez déjà commencé à aborder la question. Si vous pouvez peut-être plus approfondir, au niveau des solutions. On voit le cas de la Grèce, qui est difficile à gérer, l’Espagne, l’Italie et bientôt la France. Comment fait-on pour sortir de cette situation, quelles sont les solutions concrètes ?

M. Thierry Grosbois : Ce qui est regrettable, c’est que les solutions qui ont été mises en œuvre depuis 2008 par l’Union Européenne sont insuffisantes ! Je crois qu’il y a un consensus assez large chez les économistes, les historiens, les politologues, pour dire que les mesures prises depuis 2008 sont un peu comme un sparadrap sur une plaie béante. Le sparadrap permet de tenir la plaie, mais il ne guérit pas la plaie. Ce n’est pas parce qu’on a un fond de 1 000 milliards d’Euros, par exemple, que cela résout les problèmes structurels de la Zone Euro. Les dirigeants de l’Union Européenne, des pays de la Zone Euro, refusent, parce qu’ils ne sont pas d’accord entre eux, de mettre en œuvre par exemple, une fiscalité commune. Il faut une convergence des fiscalités, directe et indirecte, au sein de la Zone Euro. Donc, il faut un consensus entre les Etats membres sur la fiscalité. Or l’Irlande continue à avoir une fiscalité très basse sur l’impôt des sociétés, le Luxembourg a une fiscalité intéressante du point de vue des accises, la Grèce n’impose pas sa marine marchande et l’église orthodoxe, la Belgique accueille les centres de coordination des multinationales. Bref, c’est la cacophonie et la concurrence fiscale. Il n’y a pas de solutions crédibles esquissées ! Or, c’est nécessaire, pour maintenir à long terme l’Union monétaire. Il faut une convergence des politiques budgétaires, ce qui n’est pas le cas actuellement. Ainsi, l’Euro a permis de baisser les taux d’intérêt, de manière importante, mais certains Etats de la Zone Euro en ont profité pour augmenter leur dette publique au lieu de la restreindre ou de la contrôler, parce qu’avec des intérêts aussi bas, certains Etats ont multiplié les emprunts. C’est le cas de la France, de la Grèce, de l’Espagne, du Portugal, de l’Italie… C’est une conséquence un peu inattendue de la Zone Euro, car les critères de Maastricht ne sont pas respectés, notamment du point de vue budgétaire. Je ne dis pas qu’il faut mener des politiques budgétaires restrictives, mais il faut au moins une convergence des politiques budgétaires.

Autre élément aussi – il n’y a aucune décision là-dessus -, c’est l’émission  d’Euro-obligations. Il n’y a pas de volonté des États de la Zone Euro d’émettre des Euro-obligations. Dans ce cas, ce ne serait plus chaque Etat qui émettrait ses obligations nationales, pour emprunter, mais il y aurait des Euro-obligations, qui seraient émises et garanties par l’ensemble des États membres de la Zone Euro. Ce qui permettrait de donner une meilleure garantie et éviter des évaluations navrantes de certains États par les agences de notation. Notre problème est que les obligations sont émises encore par les États-nations : par la France, par la Belgique, par la Grèce… Les taux d’intérêt sont très divergents d’un État à l’autre, parce que la confiance en la Grèce n’est pas la même que la confiance en la France ou en l’Allemagne. Cette situation ne peut perdurer. Cela peut provoquer une destruction de l’Union monétaire également, ou une crise grave de l’Euro, s’il n’y a pas de convergence des taux d’intérêt pour les obligations des Etats, et la seule manière d’avoir une convergence serait d’émettre des Euro-obligations garanties par tous les États de la Zone Euro.

Homepage Review – Les Chemins de la mémoire

{…} La mémoire sourd d’un groupe qu’elle soude, ce qui revient à dire, comme Halbwachs l’a fait, qu’il y a autant de mémoires que de groupes : qu’elle est, par nature, multiple et démultipliée, collective, plurielle et individualisée. L’histoire, au contraire, appartient à tous et à personne , ce qui lui donne vocation à l’universel.{…}[2]

Les chemins de la mémoire est un site d’histoire de trois grands conflits du XXème siècle : la Première Guerre mondiale, la Guerre civile espagnole et la Deuxième Guerre mondiale. Il est le fruit de la collaborations entre institutions d’histoire de six pays européens : la France (Mémorial de Caen), la Belgique (Centre d’Études et de Documentation Guerre et Sociétés Contemporaines), l’Espagne (Museo de la Paz), l’Allemagne (Haus der Geschichte der Bundesrepublik Deutschland), la Grande Bretagne (D-Day Museum) et l’Italie(Instituto per i Beni Culturali).

La découverte du site se fait par thèmes et cartes . On commence par choisir un des trois conflits et un des pays[3]. A ce moment là nous nous retrouvons face à une liste de sujets, qui varie selon le pays[4] (ainsi, pour donner un exemple, pour la Première guerre mondiale en France les sujets proposés sont : « opérations militaires, occupation du territoire et la guerre à l’arrière »). C’est seulement après avoir choisi l’un de ses sujets que nous pouvons vraiment voyager sur la carte et cliquer sur la localité qui nous intéresse (des brefs résumés apparaissent à coté de la localité lorsqu’on passe la souris dessus . Ces résumés varient en longueur (dans les notices allemandes ils sont généralement fort longs alors que les français se limitent à quelques mots) et nous permettent de ne pas faire de choix aléatoire ni perdre du temps sur une notice qui traite de sujets qui nous intéressent moins)). Il nous est de plus possible de consulter une « fiche touristique » pour chaque localité. Les sujets traités dans les notices dépassent le registre militaire[5], et explorent différents secteurs de la vie durant les 3 conflits (politiques, économiques, sociaux, technologiques). L’anecdote ou événement précis qui est directement associé au lieu qu’on a choisi sur le site est contextualisé dans la notice et ainsi on sort de la mémoire pour faire de l’histoire.

Les notices ont étés rédigées par des historiens diplômés sous la coordination de professeurs d’histoire et de centres de recherche en histoire : on peut donc aisément  faire confiance aux informations partagées sur ce site. D’autre part, les textes des notices sont fort bien rédigées[6] et peuvent s’adresser à un public large tant qu’il partage une certaine curiosité et intérêt pour l’histoire. Le site est traduit en 6 langues différentes .

Cependant bien que le contenu du site soit fort intéressant, la forme pourrait être retravaillée. Les notices pourraient être enrichies de plus de documents iconographiques et se faire des renvois entre elles[7].

Il y a de plus une omission assez grave dans le texte d’introduction à la Première Guerre mondiale ou lorsqu’on parle de la désagrégation d’empires on ne cite pas l’Empire ottoman. Bien que cela ne soit pas le sujet principal, cette information reste indispensable.

Comme nous l’avons dit plus haut, il n’est pas question des causes qui ont entraîné les guerres dans les introductions ce qui est dommage mais compréhensible. Ce site demeure toutefois une belle initiative collective qui , nous l’espérons, se perfectionnera avec le temps en élargissant l’espace étudié à plus de pays et à une plus grande profondeur d’analyse (en collaborant mieux les uns avec les autres).

 


[1] http://www.lescheminsdelamemoire.net/1gm/l.asp?ver=all. Nous n’avons trouvé aucune date sur ce site qui pourrait nous indiquer quand il a été crée .

[2] Citation de Pierre Nora dans PROST (Antoine), Douze leçons sur l’histoire, Paris, Seuil, 1996, pp. 299-300.

[3] Après avoir fait le choix du conflit , un texte général d’introduction nous apparaît dans la gauche .  Ce texte se limite à une brève description événementielle du conflit. Il n’apprend pas grande chose sur les enjeux ni causes du conflit qui est sorti de son contexte historique. Je pense personnellement que cette omission est voulue et que c’est simplement dû à un échec dans les discussions entre historiens des 5 pays différents qui n’arrivaient pas à se mettre d’accord sur un texte explicatif « neutre » qui ne donnerait pas avantage à une vue nationale sur une autre et qui pourrait aussi attiser des vieilles tensions … Finalement  plutôt que de rapprocher les Européens, le site leur donnerait des raisons pour se diviser.

[4] Ainsi par exemple dans la partie dédié à la Première guerre mondiale en France , un des sujets proposés est « occupation du territoire ». Ce sujet n’apparaît pas lorsqu’on choisi l’Allemagne durant le même conflit ce qui est logique vu que cette dernière n’avait pas subit d’occupation.

[5] On ne se limite pas à nous montrer les foyers de grandes batailles, massacres, bombardements…

[6] C’est aussi l’avantage de travailler avec des institutions qui ont l’habitude de « communiquer » l’histoire au public à travers les musées, etc.

[7] Il y a souvent dans les notices des mentions d’événements ou faits  emblématiques de l’époque étudié qui ne sont pourtant pas connues de tout le monde, et qui , parce qu’elles sont expliquées dans d’autres notices, elles ne le sont pas dans la leur . Il faudrait au moins mettre un renvoi entre notices qui pourrait faciliter la compréhension de l’entièreté du texte. Un exemple : la notice de Mouilleron-en-Pareds, lieu de naissance de Clémenceau, fait une biographie de ce dernier. Elle mentionne l’ « affaire Mata Hari » dont il fut principal acteur sans en donner plus d’informations.  Pourtant la notice de Vincennes, lieu ou Mata Hari fut fusillée explique l’histoire . Une continuité entre notices qui peuvent se compléter devrait être mise en place à travers des renvois. Le visiteur du site moyen pourrait dans le cas contraire se décourager face à des notices trop encyclopédiques dont il ne saisirait pas les vrais enjeux.

New Issue – European Review of Economic History- February 2012

European Review of Economic HistoryA new issue of European Review of Economic History has been published.

 

 Small is beautiful: the efficiency of credit markets in the late medieval Holland, Jan Luiten van Zanden, Jaco Zuijderduijn, Tine De Moor.

 

In this paper, we analyse the functioning of private capital markets in Holland in the late medieval period. We argue that in the absence of banks and state agencies involved in the supply of credit, entrepreneurs’ access to credit was determined by two interrelated factors. The first was the quality of property rights protection and the extent to which properties could be used as collateral. The second was the level of interest in borrowing money at the time as well as such borrowing compared with the interest rates on risk-free investments. For our case study, the small town of Edam and its hinterland, De Zeevang, in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, we demonstrate that properties were used as collateral on a large scale and that interest rates on both small and large loans were relatively low (about 6 percent). As a result, many households (whether headed by men or women) owned financial assets and/or debts, and the degree of financial sophistication was relatively high.

Extending broadcast technology in the British Colonies during the 1950s, Sue Bowden, David Clayton, Alvaro Pereira.

 

Using a rich and under-exploited set of primary sources, differential rates of take up of radio broadcast technologies across the British Empire are described and explained. The research adds a developing economy perspective to the literature on the diffusion of consumer durables. The effects of prices and incomes (captured via an “affordability index”) are qualified. The strategic concerns of suppliers and path-dependent processes are shown to have been significant. The complex effects of ethnic fragmentation on rates of diffusion within colonial territories are revealed. Debates regarding technological change in the developing world and about the diffusion of consumer durables are advanced.

The origins of foreign exchange policy: the National Bank of Belgium and the quest for monetary independence in the 1850s, Stefano Ugolini.

 

The monetary policy trilemma maintains that financial openness, fixed exchange rates, and monetary independence cannot coexist. Yet, in the 1850s, Belgium violated this prediction. Through a study of nineteenth-century monetary policy implementation, this article investigates the reasons for such success. This was mainly built on the stabilisation of central bank liquidity, not of exchange rates as assumed by the target-zone literature. Other ingredients included: the role of circulating bullion as a buffer for central bank reserves, the banking system’s structural liquidity deficit towards the central bank, and the central bank’s size relative to the money market.

 

Land markets and agrarian backwardness (Spain, 1904–1934), Juan Camona, Juan R. Rosés.

 

To what extent were land markets the cause of Spanish agrarian backwardness? To address this unresolved issue, this paper uses new provincial data on average real land prices, together with a province-level variation in land productivity, to analyze the efficiency of land markets. Specifically, we test, first, whether land markets were spatially integrated and, secondly, whether land prices can be explained with the present value model. Our results suggest that land prices converged across provinces and that their variations were driven by market fundamentals. In consequence, we conclude that the institutional failure in land markets was not the cause of the relatively poor productivity performance of Spanish agriculture.

 

The bombing of Germany: the economic geography of war-induced dislocation in West German industry, Tamäs Vonyó.

 

This paper reveals the impact of wartime destruction in urban housing on regional economic growth in West Germany between 1939 and 1950. I demonstrate econometrically that the German economy remained severely dislocated as long as the urban housing stock had not been rebuilt. The recovery of urban industry was constrained by a war-induced labour shortage and, therefore, industrial capacities remained underutilized. In contrast, the growth of the rural economy was facilitated by labour expansion, which depressed industrial labour productivity. I apply instrumental variables to account for endogeneity and robust regressions to adjust for the impact of outliers.

New Issue – European Review of History

A new Issue of European Review of History: Revue europeenne d’histoire Volume 19 Issue 1, 2012 has been published and contains the following articles.

A Colonial Sea: the Mediterranean, 1798–1956

Manuel Borutta & Sakis Gekas

 

The Mediterranean has been a colonial sea since ancient times. While historians of the pre- and early modern world still tend to describe this region with the Braudelian paradigms of unity and continuity, the historiography of the modern Mediterranean suffers from the widespread fragmentation of national and regional studies, including important contributions on the colonial history of North Africa and the Middle East. In this context, the editors invited scholars to re-think the Mediterranean of the nineteenth and the first half of the twentieth century as a colonial and, most importantly, a colonised sea. Therefore the special issue brings together historians and geographers from North Africa, Europe and North America in order to reconstruct colonial interactions, relationships, entanglements and shared experiences between Europe, the Maghreb and the Middle East from late eighteenth century, when the European colonisation of the Mediterranean began, until the erosion of the imperial order in the 1950s.

 

 

The general belief of the world’: Barbary as genre and discourse in Mediterranean history

Lotfi Ben Rejeb

 

Europe re-invented North Africa as Barbary – at once a toponym and a trope – when this region became an extension of Ottoman imperial power following the Spanish Reconquista. Barbary emerged in modern Mediterranean history as a key genre and discourse which, in the record of Western perceptions of the Islamic world, constituted a link between the crusading mentality of the Middle Ages and the Orientalism and imperialism of the modern era. Barbary informed a Eurocentric view of relations between Europe and North Africa from the late fifteenth century until the nineteenth, consistently equating the Ottoman borderlands (the Regencies of Algiers, Tunis and Tripoli) and the Kingdom of Morocco, with barbarism, denying the history and indeed the very idea of Islamic civilisation, and furnishing the essential ideological argument for the colonisation of that region. Using Barbary as a contrasting foil to their emergent national identities, Europeans fixed the region as an unparalleled seat of piracy and slavery, and the unrelenting source of hostility towards Christendom and civilisation. The Barbary discourse conveyed a mental map of the Mediterranean sharply divided between civilisation and barbarism, between Good and Evil. Powerful in its sheer reductionism, it prevailed and persisted despite the more nuanced and complex realities of Mediterranean life and politics. Although concern with piracy and slavery became minor by the end of the seventeenth century, the discourse steadily intensified as a locus of imperial advocacy and rationalisation. When the central part of North Africa was carved out in 1830 to become an extension of France overseas, Barbary as a homogenising toponym no longer had a raison d’être, but the discourse lingered on as a trope in the new colonial context.

 

The Mediterranean, a territory between France and Colonial Algeria: imperial constructions

Hélène Blais & Florence Deprest

 

The geographical concept of the Mediterranean, born during the nineteenth century, has often been the object of scholarly attention. Many works have highlighted the progressive adjustments in the learned representations of this maritime space. From the Classical concept of a dividing border, which prevailed until the end of the eighteenth century, arose the idea of a junction sea, in the late nineteenth century. Though these studies all set the rise of the concept of a Mediterranean territory within the imperial context of the nineteenth century, such as the scientific and military explorations of Morea and Algeria, they do not explore the hypothesis that the Mediterranean was invented because it had become a colonial sea. Was the emergence of the Western Mediterranean, as an area of practices and representations, directly linked to the context of Algerian colonisation, to the chronology of its appropriation and to the evolution of French settlement on the banks of the Maghreb? This paper explores how, within the Franco-Algerian colonial situation, the Mediterranean was initially fashioned as a bridge between Europe and Africa, as a suture between the Orient and the Occident. The Mediterranean became a structuring feature of the French Empire.

 

Etre algérien en situation impériale, fin XIXème siècle – début XXème siècle: L’usage de la catégorie «nationalité algérienne» par les consulats français dans leur relation avec les Algériens fixes au Maroc et dans l’Empire Ottoman

Noureddine Amara

Among the many problems posed by colonial citizenship laws regulating Algerians was the special case of people born within the confines of Algeria and their descendants who had emigrated outside of the country. Algerians in Algeria already inhabited an imprecise place of incomplete French citizenship. And those living abroad, the ‘Originaires d’Algérie’, had to contend with the decisions of French consular authorities, who laboured to interpret and implement the rules established by the Foreign Office and the Ministry of Justice to define the legal status of Algerians living abroad. The French state claimed this category of people as « French » according to the legal theory of State succession. Then, the Indigenat served as an Algerian nationality. This paper argues that this Algerian nationality was an imperial nationality for internal use.

 

Colonial migrants and the making of a British Mediterranean

Sakis Gekas

 

This article examines the concept and colonial reality of the British Mediterranean through the imperial network of trade and migration from and to areas under British political and/or economic control. The hybrid identities of many citizens in the colonial Mediterranean can best be seen in the perception and reality of the ports of the Eastern Mediterranean as cosmopolitan. The article also argues that the role and experience of these migrants as intermediate groups was determined by the form of rule British colonial authorities imposed in each dominion.

 

Making a living in pre-colonial Tunisia: the sea, contraband and other illicit activities, c. 1830–81

Julia Clancy-Smith

 

Employing pre-colonial Tunisia as a site, this article investigates ways of ‘making a living’ in an age of migrations. It studies occupations linked to the sea, such as fishing or coastal trading, that integrated North Africa and the nearby islands into trans-Mediterranean and larger exchange systems. It argues that subsistence migration increased the volume of extra-legal transactions whose nodal points were the Tunis region, the Cap Bon, Bizerte, Algeria and nearby islands. Estimates of the trade’s volume or value, impossible to determine given the sources, are less important than charting dense flows of labour, goods, services and capital under-girding the political economy of contraband in relationship to labour migration. That the actors involved hailed from different religions, ethnic groups and classes renders this a perfect vantage point for probing inter-communal and intra-confessional relationships as well as the declining political fortunes of the Tunisian state.

 

Entangled communities: interethnic relationships among urban salesclerks and domestic workers in Egypt, 1927–61

Nancy Y. Reynolds

 

This paper examines the relationships among salesclerks and other lower-level commercial and domestic employees in inter-war and post-Second World War urban Egypt, especially Cairo. It argues that the Italians, Greeks, local Jews, Armenians, Syrian Christians, Maltese, Coptic Christians and Muslims who often worked side by side on the floors of department stores and private homes participated in multiethnic occupational subgroups, formal unions and leisure cultures that created a series of networks linking lower-middle-class people in workplaces, public and neighbourhood space as well as commerce. These networks spanned ethnic, religious and linguistic boundaries, and they reveal a complex shared Mediterranean culture, underpinned by a juridical system shaped by European colonialism. Although historians have documented the vertical relations within ethnic groups and the horizontal relationships among the business elite of different communities, horizontal relationships among the lower and lower-middle classes of locally resident foreigners or Egyptians, who made up the bulk of the different communities, evidence both deep entanglement and regular conflict. The history of lived Mediterranean or cosmopolitan experiences thus challenges contemporary uses of both terms.

 

Connecting colonial seas: the ‘international colonisation’ of Port Said and the Suez Canal during and after the First World War

Valeska Huber

 

The Suez Canal played an essential role in transforming the Mediterranean into a colonial sea by changing its geopolitical features from a lake to a lane connecting faraway possessions of European empires more closely (at least geographically speaking) to the metropoles. At the same time the Suez Canal region itself was colonised in a very specific way, under British occupation on the one hand, yet carrying features of a ‘global locality’ on the other. Besides shedding light on the larger connections of the Suez Canal with the colonial world, this article attempts to understand the colonial situation of Port Said and the Canal, a place built from scratch in an effort to colonise (in the primary sense of the word) a part of the desert. Tracing Port Said and the Suez Canal Zone through different time periods – particularly during the First World War and the inter-war era – this paper tries to pin down the shifting meanings of ‘international’ and ‘colonial’ by highlighting the specificities of this ‘international colonisation’, regulated by agreements and treaties and marked by the influence of competing colonial powers

 

Italians in Tunisia: between regional organisation, cultural adaptation and political division, 1860s–1940

Leila El Houssi

 

This article analyses the case of the Italian community in Tunisia during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The Italian presence in Tunisia dates back to the age of the so-called Repubbliche marinare (Maritime Republics), when Italy was still not a unitary entity, but rather a collection of states that had their own relationships with the Ottoman Empire. The Italian community in Tunisia is an example of a diaspora resulting from migrations in the Mediterranean region. The case study of the Italians in Tunisia is a sort of ‘diaspora from inside’. Indeed it is reductive to see Italians in Tunisia just as nationals, because they had different regional, religious, class and cultural backgrounds to native Tunisians. Local identities characterised their community. This perspective is also apparent in the multitude of mutual-aid associations and ethnic organisations. A heterogeneous group, including political refugees, emerged. Nonetheless, during the twentieth century the ‘defence of italianità’ reinforced the cohesion of the community itself. This paper places this group into the framework of Mediterranean Studies. It aims to understand the interaction between the Italian community in Tunisia and the native population. It follows philosopher Albert Memmi’s perspective on the unrelated relationship between the coloniser and the colonised. This relationship represented an interesting example of unusual tolerance thanks to a steady relationship between Italians and the Tunisian population, characterised by openness and profitable coexistence, even in the sphere of religion, which was not the case in other areas of Mediterranean sea.

New Issue – European Integration online Papers (EloP)

The new issue ofEuropean Integration online Papers (EloP) is now available online.

Multidimensionality of EU attitudes in France

To be submitted soon as part of the special mini-issue, ‘Beyond Euro-skepticism: Understanding attitudes towards the EU’ in European Integration online Papers. Please check back in Mid-March.

Trust in the institutions of the European Union: A cross-country examination

Trust in political institutions is one of the key elements which make representative democracies work. Trust creates a connection between citizens and representative political institutions. Democratic governments which enjoy a large degree of trust also tend to have higher degrees of legitimacy and policy efficacy. In Europe’s multi-level governance structure, it is imperative to understand the determinants of trust in the institutions of the European Union. With the increasing salience of the European Union, are domestic proxies still a key determinant of evaluating its institutions? Are there differences across the institutions and across the member states? We demonstrate that country-level corruption levels are what drives the relationship between domestic and European institutional trust. The majority of the variation in trust in the institutions of the European Union is, however, driven by individual-level predictors. We also find that individuals across Europe evaluate the institutions of the European Union through a single attitude dimension of political trust rather than through separate evaluations.

Support for Europe: Assessing the complexity of individual attitudes

Recent scholarly work has underlined the importance of being cautious about the notion of Euro-skepticism by putting stress on alternative concepts and measures. This theoretical and empirical contribution has enriched the debate on support for Europe and its potential multidimensionality. However, the fit between theoretical conceptualization and measured attitudes is still under-investigated. Do European citizens actually express different types of support? To what extent are these attitudes structured as we think? This paper investigates the different dimensions that individuals associate with “support for Europe” and whether it varies across national context. We test the empirical validity of three conceptualizations of support for Europe: (a) diffuse versus specific support, (b) identity versus diffuse support, (c) static versus dynamic perception of the European Union. To investigate these patterns, we relied on survey data from Eurobarometer. Methodologically, we use item-response theory modelling. This paper demonstrates that attitudes towards Europe are structured but in a less fine-grained manner than hypothesized in the literature. The distinction between diffuse and specific support is robust at the European scale as well as within each national context. Consequently, we provide an empirical tool to comparatively measure support in all member states. However it is not the case for the other dimensions of support, especially identity, and we advocate caution in using this variable as an explanatory variable.


New Issue – Journal of Contemporary History

new issue of  the Journal of Contemporary History is now available and contains the following articles:

Eugene Kulischer, Joseph Schechtman and the Historiography of European Forced Migrations by Antonio Ferrara

This article deals with two prominent figures in the historiography of twentieth-century European forced migrations: Eugene Kulischer and Joseph Schechtman. Their studies, although published between 1946 and 1962, are still among the standard works on the subject and are as yet unsurpassed in their scope and breadth of outlook, despite the flurry of new publications on the subject after the opening of East Central European archives after 1989. In this article I strive to explain how and why they were able to accomplish such a scholarly feat, paying special attention to their biographies which I have tried to reconstruct, using, for the first time, not only their own writings but also personal testimonies from their students and disparate archival sources located in the United States and Israel. I also discuss the strengths and weaknesses of their works by comparing them with more recent works on the same subject. This is, to my knowledge, the first attempt to reconstruct on the basis of archival evidence the lives and works of the two most important historians of a phenomenon whose impact on the overall history of Europe (and especially of its East Central part) is now generally recognized.

Reframing the Interwar Peace Movement: The Curious Case of Albert Einstein bOfer Ashkenazi

The diversity of transnational interrelations within the peace movement has been commonly overlooked in studies on the anti-war struggle in the interwar years. Consequently, these studies have often provided an over-simplified view of the formation of anti-war ideologies, worldviews, and objectives. Contrary to this tendency, this article examines Albert Einstein’s engagement with the peace movement in a way that emphasizes its transnational facets. Associating Einstein’s worldview with ideas that were prevalent in transnational organizations in the decade preceding the second world war, it explains the scientist’s propensity to endorse seemingly incompatible ideas as inherent to the nature of these organizations. Focusing on his relationships with two apparently contradictory organizations – the War Resisters’ International and The New Commonwealth Society – I argue that Einstein’s views reflect a set of principles that were held by many supporters of both organizations. Mainly, these principles constituted a revision of nineteenth-century liberal thought which sought to marginalize the impact of nationalist sentiments, redefine the social responsibilities of the state, and restrict its sovereignty. Thus, shifting the emphasis to the transnational aspects of the peace movement would not only make sense of Einstein’s ‘confused’ politics, but also shed new light on interwar pacifism, its objectives, popularity, and enduring influence.

H.M. Hyndman and the Russia Question after 1917 by Markku Ruotsila

In the last four years of his life the eclectic veteran of British Marxism, H.M. Hyndman (1842–1921), was intimately involved in a transatlantic socialist effort to destroy the Russian Bolshevik regime. Historians have rarely investigated this effort, because it appears not to fit into the customary categories constructed about Marxian socialism. Utilizing Hyndman’s extensive published writings and hitherto mostly ignored private correspondence with his many American socialist collaborators, this article reconstructs Hyndman’s thinking on Russia after 1917 in an attempt to shed further light on our understanding of socialist anti-Bolshevism in Britain and in the United States. It argues that Hyndman was a much more influential figure in the construction of socialist anticommunism in the English-speaking world (in particular in the United States) than has been generally recognized. His writings and activities in 1917–21 were key not only in setting the ideological bases for much of the English-speaking world’s socialist anticommunism but in pioneering the abiding, considered willingness by a significant section of its adherents to use military force to destroy the Soviet regime before and during the Cold War.

Foreign Involvement and Loss of Democracy, Estonia 1934 by Jaak Valge

Estonia, where influential major powers have often had competing interests, is able to provide a specific example of how involvement from foreign countries can influence the collapse of democracy. Both the undemocratic Soviet Union, with 150 times the population of Estonia, and 60 times more populous Germany, which had become undemocratic in 1933, were seen in Estonia as security risks. In contrast to this, the democratic United Kingdom was seen as Estonia’s best friend. The United Kingdom and Germany were also Estonia’s main trading partners. But London was primarily concerned to limit the influence of Germany in the Baltic States, and Estonia’s internal situation was of interest in this context. The co-operation by Estonian socialists with Moscow undoubtedly aggravated the Estonian domestic political situation, but the initiators of this co-operation were more the Estonian socialists themselves. Germany’s attempts to influence Estonian domestic politics were of a limited nature. But there is no doubt that events in Germany had a major influence on Estonia’s domestic politics.

 

 

New Issue – European Integration online Papers (EloP)

The new issue ofEuropean Integration online Papers (EloP) is now available online.

EU Law as Janus bifrons, a sociological approach to “Social Europe”

On the basis of sociological research focused on actions and appreciations of “social policy” actors, this paper contends that, apart from the powerful constraint of macroeconomic governance, the main governance instrument has been hard law, even in an area where member states are deemed to have retained most of their jurisdiction (Leibfried and Pierson, 1995, Ferrera, 2005; Barbier, 2008). The sociological material is systematically cross-checked with legal literature and with material drawn from 26 EU law specialists. The authors focus on the relationship between EU law and “social law” (social protection, labour law and social services). The main finding is the confirmation of the jeopardization of systems of social protection in the “old member states”. On the other hand, though, the Court of Justice of the European Union and the Commission have been able to display continual advances on the subject of “fundamental rights”, thus producing key sources of legitimacy among various actors. With the classically documented support of big business and corporations, and the active support of non-governmental organizations in favour of expanding individual fundamental rights, the on-going dynamics of EU law seems to inexorably lead to the demise of the late 19th century born systems of social protection, as F. Scharpf argues. This deterministic analysis however does not take into account the current uncertainties about the role of actors

Deconstructing EU old age policy: Assessing the potential of soft OMCs and hard EU law

When it comes to EU old age policy, the political science literature primarily focuses on soft governance through the OMC (Open Method of Coordination) on social inclusion, pensions and health care. However, a mapping of EU old age policy instruments shows that developments started earlier and are broader and more influential. Employing a policy analysis perspective, I explore problem perceptions and actor constellations to explain the development of a number of directly or indirectly relevant policy instruments and discuss their (potential) effects. On this basis, I show that the governance capacity of soft steering instruments that seek to trigger reforms in the area of pensions is typically overvalued. In contrast, we tend to underestimate how much the EU shapes national room to manoeuvre on ageing and old age security through legislative instruments establishing individual rights for equal treatment or through the free movement of capital and persons. What is more, tracing when and how a range of instruments developed brings to the fore a number of different actors and arenas, interest constellations and conflict lines. Thus, contrasting with the OMCs, the present analysis provides for an understanding of EU governance as a complex, at times contradictory and inherently political process.

European social dialogue as multi-level governance: Towards more autonomy and new dependencies

Almost twenty years ago the Maastricht Treaty introduced procedures for European Social Dialogue, as part of a larger package of measures to strengthen the social dimension of European integration. Through the Treaty provisions (articles 154-155 Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union), the European social partners received the competence to become, in principle, co-regulators of the European labour market. The conventional reading of the evolution of European social dialogue since its inception is that it has evolved from a relationship of dependency of the European social partners on the European institutions for the implementation of their framework agreements, towards a more autonomous position in which the social partners themselves take charge of implementation. Since the early 2000s, the argument continues, the social partners have taken a more proactive and independent stance and opted to focus on autonomous framework agreements, and other ‘new generation texts’, including joint reports, recommendations, compendia of good practices, etc., which are not directed at the European institutions in order to secure implementation. In this paper we want to challenge and move beyond this rather linear and one-dimensional conceptualisation of the evolution of European social dialogue. Empirically, we will show that there has not been a straightforward move away from the ‘implementation through Directive’ mode in favour of autonomous agreements. Whereas this may seem the case if we take a view of the cross-sector dialogue only, the picture changes when we have a closer look and include developments in the European sector social dialogue in the analysis. Analytically, we will argue that framing the issue in terms of dependency or autonomy does not do justice to the complexity of relationships that are involved in the European social dialogue and the European sector social dialogue, and in the implementation of framework agreements and other new generation texts. Also it accords little attention to the role of power in the relationships involved. We draw on a multi-governance perspective to analyse the dynamics of European social dialogue, which allows us to capture the relevant multiple horizontal and vertical relationships, or interdependencies, between the European and national, and public and private, actors involved. Interdependency implies the presence of both autonomy and dependence in a relationship, and our central proposition is that these interdependencies simultaneously enhance and limit the capacity of the European social partners to make and implement agreements.

EU governance and social services of general interest: When even the UK is concerned

The level of autonomy afforded to Member States to define certain services as ‘services of general interest’ and to shelter them from the market so as to promote social objectives has become in recent years a highly sensitive topic among EU and national policy actors and organisations. The increased activity in this area of the European Commission and the general absence of guidance on the conditions necessary to render such services of general interest by the European Court of Justice (ECJ) have resulted in uncertainty concerning the interaction of EU law with social services and more generally public services in the EU Member States. By focusing on the EU regulation on social services of general interest, the paper evaluates how the nature and provision of such services in the UK has been susceptible to changes as a result of the Services Directives, EU public procurement and competition law. The implementation of liberalisation plans in the UK well before any EU initiatives in this area meant that such services have been open to market forces well before other Member States. However, this has not led to the absence of concerns regarding the precise impact of EU law in this area. Recent policy initiatives by the Coalition government may expand further the degree of marketisation and increase the scope for interaction between EU and national-level regulation.